As the student cafeteria at Birzeit University empties after the lunchtime rush, Ehab Iwidat leans back on his chair and sips from a bottle of mineral water. The wiry, 20-year-old business and French student is suffering from a cold, but that has not stopped him from attending some of the recent demonstrations in the West Bank.
“It’s the first time in a long time that we’ve seen this,” he says. “I’ve seen young people, old people, females, males, protesting in the streets together. You can see rich people alongside poor people too.”
See report from al-Jazeera
David Hearst writes:
A few days before he stabbed and killed two ultra-orthodox Jews in the Old City of Jerusalem before being shot dead, Muhannad Halabi addressed himself on his Facebook wall to his president. Mahmoud Abbas had accused Israel in his UN speech of letting extremists into the Al-Aqsa compound.
“Nice speech Mr. President, but we do not recognise East and West Jerusalem. We know only that Jerusalem is one, undivided, and that every part of it is holy. Excuse me, Mr. President, but what is happening to the women of Al-Aqsa and to Al-Aqsa itself will not be stopped by peaceful measures. We were not raised to be humiliated.”
The 19-year-old’s message was clear: the time for words is over. The Third Intifada, he said, has already started.
Halabi speaks for his generation. He was born a year after the second Oslo Accord was signed in Taba, which set up an interim Palestinian self-governing authority for the West Bank and Gaza. By the age of four, Halabi should have seen a comprehensive peace agreement in which Israel would have ceded control of the territories in exchange for peace. When Halabi was seven, Israel had begun constructing the wall that was to divide the West Bank into Bantustans. By the time he was eight, Yasser Arafat had died, ridding Israel of a Palestinian leader it described as “two-faced”. He was replaced by Mahmoud Abbas, whose one face was, and is, implacably opposed to violence.
Halabi’s generation should have seen peace. It should have benefited from the plans of Tony Blair and Salam Fayyad to regenerate the economy of the West Bank. Instead, what this generation saw was 600,000 settlers, the gradual disappearance of Palestinian East Jerusalem, a Palestinian security force whose role was to stop protest and the daily encroachments of Israeli Jews, who defined themselves initially as tourists, in the Al-Aqsa compound. Instead of a final settlement, Halabi’s generation has experienced the final loss of all hope.
This then, more than the numbers of deaths or injured, or the phenomenon of stabbing attacks occurring all over the country, is what makes this an intifada – which in Arabic means “shaking off”. A new generation is attempting to shake off its occupier. A new generation has rediscovered the struggle of its forebears. What happens in the following weeks, months or even years will become their struggle.
The spark for this is Al-Aqsa, a symbol which stone by stone is being attacked by the acid rain of Jerusalem’s sectarian politics. Despite the Chief Rabbinate’s prohibition on Jews entering the compound it knows as the Temple Mount, the status quo at Al-Aqsa is changing. The Waqf, the Jordanian-controlled Islamic institution administering holy places, no longer collects entrance fees nor can it ban non-Muslims from passing through the Israeli-controlled gate.
“While the Waqf continues to work with the police to enforce the Jewish prayer ban, it can no longer determine the size of Jewish groups or the rate of their entry; nor can it veto the entry of specific activists it considers provocateurs. Israel at times has allowed Jews to enter in groups of ten to 30, even 50, including in army uniform, which previously had been forbidden,” the International Crisis Group recently reported.
By 2012, Knesset members, deputy ministers and ministers were filmed declaring Israeli sovereignty over the entire site.
For Halabi’s generation this is not only a religious issue. Al-Aqsa is a symbol of national identity, the last symbol standing of an identity which has been so comprehensively trashed by the Israeli state. It unifies both religious and secular Palestinians. The first Palestinians to attack religious Jews over Al-Aqsa came from a secular revolutionary group, the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine, (PFLP). Defending Al-Aqsa from the encroachment of national-religious Jews is an existential issue. It tells all Palestinians: “If we don’t fight for this, we might as well give up.”
Halabi did not need to be incited. Nor did he wait for orders from Fatah or Hamas. He made his own decision as thousands of others are doing irrespective of whether they live in the West Bank, Gaza or Israel.
Both the First and Second Intifadas took the Palestinian leadership by surprise. The first was started when an Israeli army truck crashed into two vans carrying Palestinian workers, killing four of them. The second was ignited by Ariel Sharon, then in opposition, appearing at the Al-Aqsa compound with a thousand Israeli police officers and repeating the phrase that was broadcast when Israeli troops seized East Jerusalem in the 1967 Six Day War: “The Temple Mount is in our hands.” But within days of each, the leadership asserted control and began giving orders.
Jamal Zakout, who wrote “Communique No. 2” on behalf of the Unified National Leadership of the 1987 Intifada reminded us of its purpose: “It considered the Intifada, its leadership, and its grassroots activism as an integral part of the PLO, not a substitute for it.” Today the PLO, under Abbas’s leadership, does not want to know, and for that very reason, struggles to control the situation.
A recent poll conducted by pollster and political scientist Khalil Shikaki found that 42 percent of Palestinians believed that only an armed struggle would lead to an independent Palestinian state, and 57 percent no longer believed that a two-state solution was possible. Two-thirds wanted to replace Abbas as president.
The new generation is making its own decisions in defiance of both Fatah and Hamas. If one picture encapsulates this, it was of a girl in jeans and a kuffiyeh handing rocks to a masked boy wearing a green Hamas headband. Secular and religious youth were at one in protest. Each and every youth who picks up a knife or throws a stone is their own leader.
This creates unique dangers for Israel. It can deal with groups by arresting or assassinating their leaders and eventually negotiating a ceasefire. It can not stop individuals from making their own desperate decisions. It can only provoke them more by resorting to house demolitions or other measures of collective punishment.
There are other unique factors about this intifada. The First and Second Intifadas were conducted from the West Bank and Gaza. The Palestinian citizens of Israel, who have been present since 1948, took part in protests at the start of the Second Intifada, but they were short-lived. Not since Land Day in 1976 have the Palestinians of ’48 been at the forefront of popular protest. On 30 March 1976, thousands of Palestinians from the northern triangle region marched to protest the expropriation of huge tracts of land as part of an openly declared policy to “Judaise” the area.
Today however, no wall or separation barrier contains the uprising. The attacks of the last week have been taking place in areas the PLO has no control of – East Jerusalem, Afula, Tel Aviv. There are other factors. This is the first intifada where Palestinians are not looking for neighbouring Arab states to intervene. Perhaps it’s a sign of the times or the chaos around Israel’s own borders.
So far, Israel’s reaction to the intifada has been to lose trust in Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and back even more right-wing leaders. The latest poll published by the Yediot Ahronot daily on Sunday showed that 73 percent were dissatisfied with Netanyahu’s handling of the recent attacks. When asked who was best qualified to deal with them, two ultra-nationalists, former Foreign Minister Avigdor Lieberman and pro-settler Education Minister Naftali Bennett, came first and second. As foreign minister, Lieberman commissioned lawyers to examine plans for the so-called “static transfer” of Palestinian population of northern Israel to a Palestinian state.
But Israelis are also being encouraged to take the law into their own hands. Already a heavily armed society – in 2013 about 160,000 permits were issued for private citizens to carry firearms, and 130,000 for organisations – Israel is about to become more so. In Jerusalem this is with the explicit encouragement of mayor Nir Barkat, who along with his bodyguard disabled a Palestinian who had stabbed a Jewish man on the street. Afterwards Barkat was seen in the Palestinian neighbourhood of Beit Hanina with an assault rifle. Vigilante mobs have already appeared hunting for Palestinian workers on the streets of Jerusalem, planning their route to areas where Palestinian cleaning workers would be employed.
All the ingredients are there for a long and bloody struggle, in which countless innocents on both sides will be killed. If you like, Israel has discovered the secret that has eluded generations of physicists: the secret of perpetual motion. Every time its security establishment congratulates itself on having extinguished one intifada, another one comes. Each time the flame is rekindled by another generation’s personal experience of despair, hopelessness and indignity.
There is only one way out of this cycle of conquest, repression and resistance. It is for the Jewish Israelis to look themselves in the mirror and reconcile – as equals – with the people of the land that they now share. For one reason and one reason only. Palestinians are here to stay, one generation after another.
United Electrical, Radio & Machine Workers of America 28, August –
President Barack Obama signed into law a Trade Promotion Authority (TPA) renewal bill this week in order to give the president greater negotiating powers to “fast track” trade deals, and access new trading partners in the international marketplace.
The pro-Israel lobby (AIPAC) secured an amendment to this law which obliged the US government to discourage EU countries from endorsing the fast growing BDS movement in Europe. The way it was worded was that trade with the State of Israel and with “Israeli-controlled territories” should not be undermined.
However, this implied that the US government supports the clearly illegal settlements. This led State Department spokesman John Kirby to say that this provision of the bill conflated “Israel” and “Israeli-controlled territories”, but then to insist that, just like every other administration since 1967, the Obama administration opposes Israeli settlement activity beyond the 1949 Armistice (the “Green”) Line.
In this way the State Department set the record straight and essentially nullified the intent of the amendment. So in the words of Israel’s Haaretz newspaper, AIPAC had bitten off more than it could chew in trying to manipulate domestic American legislation.
This follows on something this site reported on June 9th, when the US Supreme Court ruled in favour of the government against the family of one Menachem Zivotofsky, who had taken legal action to get the boy’s birthplace listed on official documents as “Jerusalem, Israel”. The court ruling was a essentially rejection of Israel’s claim to the occupied city. So, this week’s intervention by the State Department constitutes another blow to Israel’s anti-BDS campaign, given that Washington refuses to defend illegal settlements or criminalise the boycott against them.
We have followed the matter of the Palestinian Authority and the ICC closely on this site, and despite everything, Mahmoud Abbas signed the Rome Treaty in December 2014 and is now presenting the Palestinian case to the Hague tribunal.
In fact, today – June 25th, Riyad al-Maliki, the Palestinian foreign minister, is presenting a dossier to the ICC detailing war crimes and crimes against humanity allegedly committed on Palestinian territory by Israel and the Israel Defence Forces (IDF). The report deals with three main areas: illegal Israeli settlement activity, the treatment of Palestinian prisoners, and last summer’s war in Gaza. It covers the period from 13 June 2014 to 31 May 2015, and media reports suggest that among other things, it includes information about Israel’s development of 2,600 housing units in occupied East Jerusalem, and the killing of four boys on a beach in Gaza during the war. It details settlement expansion, house demolitions, land confiscation, and destruction of Palestinian property and olive trees by settlers and soldiers.
The unrecognized Bedouin village of al-Araqib was in court Wednesday, where the state of Israel argued the southern desert town must pay $500,000 [2 million Israeli Shekels] to cover the cost of demolitions, and more than 1,000 police deployed to carry out the destruction. Since 2010 al-Araqib has been razed to the ground 83 times, more than any other locality in Israel.
In Israel around half of the Bedouin population, 90,000 Arab-Palestinians herders, live in towns the state does not view as legitimate. Without “recognition,” these villages are pre-approved for demolition. In al-Araqib’s case additional legal battles over land ownership prompted Israel to issue the entire desert hamlet the mass eviction order. The state claims it legally expropriated the territory using Ottoman code still on the books during the 1950s. Al-Araqib’s residents still have copies of their old deeds and say they are valid and up to date.
While individual owners have been charged with the cost of demolishing a home in the past, this is the first case in Israel’s history where an entire town was told it must pay for its destruction. In instances when Israel demolished settlements, outposts the state viewed as illegally construction in the West Bank, those Jewish-Israeli towns were never later given a bill.
“[Jewish] Israelis were never sued before for the cost of these demolitions,” Khaled Sawalhi, an attorney representing al-Araqib, told me. Sawalhi has tried dozens of demolitions cases throughout his career. He underscored al-Araqib is unique in that could set a costly precedent for 45 other unrecognized villages facing demolition where land ownership is contested.
Israel has demolished more than 27,000 homes in the occupied Palestinian territory since its occupation began in 1967. When the state demanded Palestinians pay for the razing of the structures, the Civil Administration or the city of Jerusalem set the fees. In al-Araqib’s case, the fee is being demanded by the Israeli Lands Administration, a government agency that oversees state owned plots, and that is the plaintiff in a petition filed by the village.
“There is no justice in the way the state is handling it. We have proof that this land is theirs and that it is private property,” Sawalhi said.
After more demolitions than any other village in Israel, and rebuilding their homes just as many times, al-Araqib’s residents are now cramped in tents between gravestones. Since the demolitions began more than a decade ago, residents have moved into the town’s cemetery. Villagers do not see resting next to a headstone as morbid; camping is regarded as a creative measure to pose a challenge to Israel’s frequent demolitions.
“I hope that Ayman Odeh [a leading politician and head of the Joint Arab List] will do something,” al-Araqib resident Aziz Abu Madegam, 41, told Mondoweiss, lamenting, “I don’t believe that in this government he can change Israel’s politics.”
Abu Madegam was born and raised in al-Araqib and is one of the town’s most prominent activists against the demolitions. He lives in a small tent in the graveyard with his wife and six children. They own a car, and sometimes Abu Madegam sleeps there when the weather turns cold and rainy. His youngest son, age three, is named al-Araqib after the village. “He was born at the same time, the same minute that they [Israel] demolished al-Araqib,” Abu Madegam said.
Aside from the demolitions Abu Madegam’s family is constantly entangled in legal woes. The state dropped criminal charges against Abu Madegam’s father for “forcibly taking control” of al-Araqib’s land “failing to obey orders to leave the land,” last February.
In a separate case pressed by the Israeli Lands Administration, Abu Madegam is one of ten al-Araqib residents charged with a combined $1,300 [5,000 NIS] in daily fines. Those damages are for “arona,” or back rental fees in which the state has demanded payment even though the question of who owns the land has been locked up in court for years. Al-Araqib’s residents see these battles as attempts by Israel to drive them off of their land permanently.
Abu Madegam will be back in court this fall in late September– when the $500,000 penalty trial opens.